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Despite Trump Withdrawal, Americans Back Paris Climate Agreement

A pumpjack operates in the foreground while a wind turbine at the Buckeye Wind Energy wind farm rises in the distance
Charlie Riedel / AP

Most Americans—including a majority of Republicans—favor a range of measures to reverse or adapt to climate change.

On the first day of his second term, President Donald Trump signed several executive orders to repeal critical environmental regulations and initiatives, including one to withdraw the United States from the Paris Agreement. Data from a November 15–17, 2024, Chicago Council on Global Affairs-Ipsos survey and the 2024 Chicago Council Survey (CCS), fielded June 21–July 1, 2024, finds broad public support for federal measures to reverse or adapt to the negative effects of climate change. While Republicans are less convinced that climate change is a serious problem and are less willing to invest resources to address it than other partisans, majorities of GOP supporters still favor domestic climate action.

Key Findings

  • Majorities of Americans across the board favor measures to reverse or adapt to the negative effects of climate change, like investing in climate resilient infrastructure (80%) and maintaining the US commitment to the Paris Agreement (69%), but Republicans are the least likely to favor such policies.
  • Given that the United States is one of the largest producers of global greenhouse gas emissions, most Americans believe it should finance international efforts to address climate change (63%), but a majority of Republicans (57%) do not agree.
  • Four in 10 Americans believe climate change is a serious and pressing problem that should be addressed now, even if it involves significant costs (43%), but there are stark partisan differences in this view: while 73 percent of Democrats agree with this statement, only 13 percent of Republicans see it the same way and instead, about half (52%) believe the United States should deal with climate change by taking low-cost steps.
  • Most Americans believe climate change is real (86%), but they are divided on the root of the problem: four in 10 (40%) Americans overall and pluralities of Independents and Republicans (42% and 39%, respectively) believe it is caused by a combination of human activity and natural processes, while a third (31%) overall and a majority of Democrats (53%) believe it is primarily caused by human activity. Finally, 15 percent believe it is primarily caused by natural processes alone.

Republicans Favor Climate Regulations and Initiatives . . .

In 2024, the United States experienced 17 severe storms, four tropical cyclones, one wildfire, and two winter storms, all of which resulted in the deaths of 418 Americans and loss of more than $1 billion. In a recent survey by the Yale Program on Climate Change Communication, half of Americans said they have personally experienced the effects of global warming (50%) and nearly two-thirds said they are somewhat or very worried about the issue (64%).

Given their experiences, most Americans favor a wide range of measures to reverse or adapt to the negative effects of climate change. Among the general public, investing in climate resilient infrastructure (80%), taxing greenhouse-gas-emitting corporations (72%), and offering tax credits for the adoption of renewable energy technologies (71%) are the most popular policy options.

Majorities of Republicans also favor such climate action but at lower levels than the general public and other partisans. However, they make an exception for imposing tariffs on imported goods from countries not meeting global greenhouse emission standards (66%) and building more nuclear power plants to reduce reliance on fossil fuels (60%), which they are about as likely as other partisans to support.

Despite Trump’s negative view of the Paris Agreement, a majority of Americans (69%) favor maintaining the US commitment to it. The United States became an official signatory to the agreement—which aims to limit the global surface temperature to just two degrees above preindustrial levels—in 2016, but in 2020, it became the first nation to withdraw from it, under the first Trump administration. The United States rejoined the agreement under the administration of President Joe Biden, but it is set to be withdrawn for a second time now that Trump has returned to the Oval Office.

The president may receive backlash from Democrats and Independents, the majority of whom (88% and 67%, respectively) favor remaining a signatory to the pact. Half of Republicans (50%) also favor maintaining the US commitment to the agreement, but doing so is the least favorable climate policy among those this survey presented to GOP supporters.

Public support for the Paris Agreement appears unchanged since 2023, at which point nearly seven in 10 Americans (68%) said the United States should participate in the pact. Democrats have remained steadfast in their support for this international agreement since 2016, while Republicans have maintained their opposition to it. Support for the climate accords among GOP supporters dipped in 2017, when Trump announced the first withdrawal from the agreement, and again in January 2021, just two months after the withdrawal took effect.

. . . But Do Not Support the United States Financing International Climate Action

In addition to taking domestic steps, most Americans also believe the United States should finance international efforts to address climate change (63%), given that it is one of the largest producers of global greenhouse gas emissions. While majorities of Democrats (86%) and Independents (60%) favor the United States financing international climate action, the majority of Republicans oppose it (57%).

This partisan divide is not unusual: In the 2023 CCS, Republicans were the least likely to say it is somewhat or very important for the United States to be a world leader in combatting climate change (52%), compared to three quarters of the general public (75%). And while most Americans broadly favored the United States aiding countries that are disproportionately affected by climate change, Republicans were, again, the least likely to favor extending a helping hand. Finally, when asked in the 2024 CCS how the United States should allocate its resources, most Republicans (57%) said it should reduce its involvement in world affairs because it has limited resources and its own problems at home. By contrast, a plurality of Democrats (39%) believe the United States has enough resources to take care of its own problems at home and take a leading role in world affairs.

Taken together, these data suggest that Republicans are unwilling to invest resources internationally that could be used to advance domestic priorities, while Democrats see the United States as having the capacity and responsibility to lead globally—particularly on issues like climate change that require international cooperation to effectively address.

Climate Change Is a Peripheral Issue for Republicans

Despite rapidly rising surface temperatures, more frequent and severe weather events, and the increasing economic costs of weather disasters, climate change seems to be a peripheral issue for Republicans. Data from an August 2024 Chicago Council-Ipsos survey show that half of Americans (49%) consider climate change a critical threat to the vital interests of the United States in the next 10 years. While nearly eight in 10 Democrats (77%) consider climate change a critical threat, just two in 10 Republicans (21%) express the same concern.

Republicans have consistently expressed lower perceptions of threat from climate change since the Chicago Council first started asking this question in 2008. Comparatively, the share of Democrats who view climate change as a critical threat has grown significantly over the last decade, reaching its highest level in 2023 (82%).

Instead, Republicans are—and have become—far more concerned about issues like immigration (83%), international terrorism (65%), and China’s territorial ambitions (61%) (see appendix Table 1). In the 2024 CCS, a bare majority of Republicans say American leaders are giving the issue of climate change too much attention (53%), while issues like immigration (84%) and competition with China (62%) are not receiving enough. Democrats, on the other hand, are most likely to say the issue of climate change does not receive enough attention from American leaders (78%) (see appendix Table 2).

While climate change is a top concern for Democrats, these data show that other issues take precedence for Republicans. Perhaps for this reason, they are less inclined to take immediate steps or invest significant resources to address the issue of climate change. A bare majority believe that since the effects of climate change will be gradual, the United States should take gradual, low-cost steps to address them (52%). In addition, a third of Republicans say that until they are sure climate change is really a problem, the United States shouldn’t incur any economic costs to address it (33%). Just 13 percent of Republicans believe immediate climate action is necessary, regardless of the cost.

By contrast, a plurality of Americans overall (43%) and seven in 10 Democrats (73%) believe that because climate change is a serious and pressing problem, the United States should try taking immediate steps to address it—even if it involves significant costs.

In the last two decades, Americans have somewhat fluctuated in their sense of urgency and willingness to commit financial resources toward climate action. The share of those who believe the United States should take immediate steps dropped by 14 percentage points between 2006 and 2010—likely because of the 2008 financial crisis—but steadily increased to a high of 51 percent in 2019. Today, 43 percent of Americans believe immediate steps need to be taken to address climate change, falling back to the 2006 level (43%).

Over time, Republicans have grown less convinced that climate change is a serious and pressing problem and are now less willing to incur economic costs to address it (a decline of 16 percentage points since 2006). On the other hand, Democrats have grown more resolute (an increase of 20 percentage points since 2006).

Americans Believe Climate Change Is Real but Disagree on Its Cause  

Another factor contributing to Republicans’ views of climate action is their sense of personal responsibility, or lack thereof, for climate change. Most Americans believe climate change is real (86%), but they are divided on what causes it: four in 10 (40%) believe it is caused by a combination of human activity and natural processes, but nearly a third (31%) believe it is primarily caused by human activity. Independents and Republicans are most likely to believe climate change is caused by a combination of factors (42% and 39%, respectively), whereas a bare majority of Democrats place sole responsibility on human activity (53%).

Fewer than two in 10 Americans believe climate change is primarily caused by natural processes (15%), like changes to the Earth’s orbit or variations in solar activity, but nearly three in 10 Republicans 28%) hold this view. Republicans are also most likely to say they do not believe in climate change at all (23%), compared to only 12 percent of the general public.

Because they are less likely to believe climate change is a result of human activities like burning fossil fuels and deforestation, Republicans may not feel personally responsible for addressing the issue. This view may contribute to their lower levels of concern about climate change.

Conclusion

Despite the partisan tug of war playing out on Capitol Hill, Americans across the board support efforts to mitigate the effects of climate change. However, the data show that climate change is a peripheral issue for Republicans, who are more concerned about issues like immigration and the economy than other partisans. With the support of Republicans in Congress and apathy of GOP supporters, Trump is expected to reverse many of the federal climate regulations implemented by the Biden administration—including parts of Biden’s signature climate law, the Inflation Reduction Act. 

Appendix Table 1

Below is a list of possible threats to the vital interests of the United States in the next 10 years. For each one, please select whether you see this as a critical threat, an important but not critical threat, or not an important threat at all: (% critical threat)

Large numbers of immigrants and refugees coming into the US
  Overall Republican Democrat Independent R-D Gap
1998 55 56 58 51 -2
2002 60 58 62 57 -4
2004 52 62 49 50 13
2006 51 63 46 44 17
2008 51 63 46 44 17
2010 51 62 41 51 21
2012 40 55 30 40 25
2014 39 55 21 42 34
2015 44 63 29 46 34
2016 43 67 27 40 40
2017 37 62 21 35 41
2018 39 66 20 37 46
2019 43 78 19 42 59
2020 32 61 13 26 48
August 2021 42 74 22 38 52
March 2022 34 68 12 29 56
2022 39 70 18 37 52
2023 42 72 18 39 54
2024 50 83 27 45 56
Climate change
  Overall Republican Democrat Independent R-D Gap
2008 39 19 58 40 -39
2010 34 16 50 34 -34
2012 32 15 44 33 -29
2014 35 12 51 35 -39
2015 40 17 58 38 -41
2016 39 18 57 35 -39
2017 46 15 67 47 -52
2019 54 23 78 54 -55
January 2020 51 19 77 51 -58
2020 50 21 75 48 -54
March 2021 54 17 80 56 -63
August 2021 53 18 81 53 -63
March 2022 48 15 73 51 -58
2022 54 20 81 54 -61
2023 52 16 82 51 -66
2024 47 17 72 48 -55
International terrorism
  Overall Republican Democrat Independent R-D Gap
1998 84 88 83 84 5
2002 91 90 94 88 4
2004 75 88 71 71 17
2006 74 85 76 64 9
2008 69 82 67 61 15
2010 73 81 72 68 9
2012 67 77 65 61 12
2014 63 66 61 61 5
2015 69 75 68 64 7
2016 75 83 74 71 9
2017 75 82 73 71 9
2018 66 74 61 64 13
2019 69 76 67 66 9
2020 54 62 51 50 11
August 2021 63 77 61 55 16
2022 58 60 59 55 1
2023 52 59 50 47 9
2024 53 65 51 43 14
North Korea’s nuclear program
  Overall Republican Democrat Independent R-D Gap
2015 55 58 53 56 5
2016 60 63 64 52 -1
2017 75 80 76 70 4
2018 59 61 62 53 -1
2019 61 67 62 55 5
January 2020 52 57 58 41 -1
2020 51 53 54 47 -1
March 2021 59 65 61 53 4
2022 52 57 55 45 2
2023 52 57 53 48 4
2024 52 59 53 45 6
Iran’s nuclear program
  Overall Republican Democrat Independent R-D Gap
2010 68 76 65 65 11
2012 64 75 60 58 15
2014 58 66 59 51 7
2015 57 70 54 49 16
2018 52 59 50 48 9
2019 57 70 52 51 18
January 2020 61 73 62 51 11
2020 49 54 46 48 8
March 2021 57 67 54 54 13
2022 53 65 52 47 13
2023 49 56 45 46 11
2024 53 62 52 45 10
Lack of a peace agreement between Israel and the Palestinians
  Overall Republican Democrat Independent R-D Gap
2014 26 29 27 22 2
2024 31 27 39 26 -12
The war Between Israel and Hamas escalating into a wider war in the Middle East
  Overall Republican Democrat Independent R-D Gap
2024 41 42 49 34 -7
Weakening democracy in the United States
  Overall Republican Democrat Independent R-D Gap
2023 69 73 73 65 0
2024 67 62 75 64 -13
The decline of democracy around the world
  Overall Republican Democrat Independent R-D Gap
2018 43 36 54 36 19
2022 46 40 54 42 -14
2024 54 44 68 48 -24
Russia’s territorial ambitions
  Overall Republican Democrat Independent R-D Gap
2014 38 48 35 34 13
2015 32 39 28 30 11
2016 30 32 31 29 1
March 2022 67 66 73 64 -7
2022 60 56 68 56 -12
2024 50 48 60 42 -12
China’s territorial ambitions
  Overall Republican Democrat Independent R-D Gap
2022 52 60 50 48 10
2024 48 61 49 36 12
Economic competition from China
  Overall Republican Democrat Independent R-D Gap
2024 33 45 25 30 20
Political violence around the 2024 election
  Overall Republican Democrat Independent R-D Gap
2024 49 33 65 47 -32
Foreign interference in American elections
  Overall Republican Democrat Independent R-D Gap
2019 53 38 69 48 -31
2020 54 41 69 49 -28
2024 54 51 61 50 -10
Appendix Table 2

Do you think US leaders are giving each of the following issues too much attention, not enough attention, or about the right amount of attention? (% not enough attention) 

  Overall Republican Democrat Independent R-D Gap
The Ukraine-Russia conflict 32 26 38 32 -12
US competition with China 47 62 35 46 27
Climate Change 52 22 78 54 -56
The conflict between Israel and Hamas 32 36 30 31 6
Immigration 59 84 41 57 43

This data comes from a joint Chicago Council on Global Affairs-Ipsos survey. It was conducted November 15–17, 2024, by Ipsos using its large-scale, nationwide, online research panel, KnowledgePanel, among a weighted national sample of 1,031 adults 18 or older living in all 50 US states and the District of Columbia. The margin of sampling error for the full sample is ±3.3 percentage points, including a design effect of 1.17.  

Additional analysis is based on data from the 2024 Chicago Council Survey of the American public on foreign policy, a project of the Lester Crown Center on US Foreign Policy. The 2024 Chicago Council Survey was conducted June 21–July 1, 2024, by Ipsos using its large-scale nationwide online research panel, KnowledgePanel, in English and Spanish among a weighted national sample of 2,106 adults 18 or older living in all 50 US states and the District of Columbia. The margin of sampling error for the full sample is ±2.3 percentage points, including a design effect of 1.1229. The margin of error is higher for partisan subgroups (±4.2 points for Republicans, ±3.9 points for Democrats, and ±3.8 points for Independents) or for partial-sample items.

The data for the total sample were weighted to adjust for gender by age, race/ethnicity, education, Census region, metropolitan status, and household income using demographic benchmarks from the 2023 March Supplement of the Current Population Survey. Specific categories used were:  

  • Gender (Male, Female) by Age (18–29, 30–44, 45-59 and 60+) 
  • Race/Hispanic Ethnicity (White Non-Hispanic, Black Non-Hispanic, Other, Non-Hispanic, Hispanic, 2+ Races, Non-Hispanic) 
  • Education (Less than High School, High School, Some College, Bachelor or higher) 
  • Census Region (Northeast, Midwest, South, West) 
  • Metropolitan Status (Metro, non-Metro) 
  • Household Income (Under $25,000, $25,000–$49,999, $50,000–$74,999, $75,000–$99,999, $100,000–$149,999, $150,000+) 

Partisan identification is based on how respondents answered a standard partisan self-identification question: “Generally speaking, do you think of yourself as a Republican, a Democrat, an Independent, or what?”  

The 2024 Chicago Council Survey is made possible by the generous support of the Crown family, the Korea Foundation, and the United States-Japan Foundation. 

About the Author
Research Assistant, Public Opinion and US Foreign Policy
Headshot for Lama El Baz
Lama El Baz joined the Chicago Council on Global Affairs in 2023 as a research assistant for the public opinion and US foreign policy team within the Lester Crown Center. She is passionate about public opinion research, data analytics, and the regional affairs of the Middle East and North Africa.
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